Nicoletta Dosio, the State and the Democracy

The
arrest of the comrade Nicoletta Dosio is – surely – a hateful act
from any point of view you intend to interpret.

The
execution of the arrest order, the time frame adopted, Dosio’s age
together with the presence of some medical pathologies and the
substantial criminal irrelevance of the ascribed “crime”
(it
is about 700 Euros that Highway Society would have lost because of
Nicoletta and the other No Tav activists
)
would have advised the diligent judges of the Court of Turin to
behave less blatantly and redundantly and not, necessarily, oriented
towards the compulsory imprisonment of our comrade.

Instead,
a few hours before the end of the year, the “brilliant
operation” took place which led to the Vallette’s prison the
“dangerous subversive”.

This
affair – therefore – if, on the one hand, it confirms the persecutory
character and open criminal revenge against the protagonists of a
social battle that marked the course of the conflict in our country
(the
No Tav struggle was born at the end of the 1980s and is far from
pacified
),
on the other hand, it is symptomatic of the constitutive and current
characteristics of the nature of the State in advanced capitalist
societies.

Around
the Dosio case – beyond the procedural skirmishes about the
possibility of recourse to the so-called alternative measures of
detention – the Magistracy (i.e.
one of the fundamental pillars of the form/state of capital
)
has made the principle of the sacredness of the “monopoly of the
use of force” and the “dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and
its codes” prevail over any expression contradictory to its
rule.

This
aspect, which the State asserts every time that on the judicial or
“governance” field of certain “crisis contexts”
there is a fear – even only prospectively – of the possibility of
radical criticism of the institutions of the existing order is a
concept that must be kept in mind and from which to draw the
necessary theoretical and political lessons.

It
is enough to go back over the history of our country and it is
possible to enucleate this black thread that inexorably marks the
class nature and the anti-proletarian nature of the variegated forms
of state command.

Of
course, it was good for our comrade Nicoletta Dosio – since the last
few months – to escape from the cloying “game” on the
“alternatives to prison” and it was good for her to claim
the social reasons of the No Tav struggle and of the complex of
mobilizations against the enormous devastation that this notorious
work would cause in the ecosystem of the Val di Susa.

In
this context, the human and political solidarity of the
Rete
dei Comunisti

in Nicoletta and the other arrested activists is an indispensable
fact that will have to be further amplified and connected with the
first mobilizations (starting with those that
Potere
a Popolo

has put in place in dozens of Italian cities on 31/12) that are
beginning to take shape and that will have to continue until
Nicoletta’s liberation.

But
this repressive act is only the “more spectacular” one of
an accentuation of the securitarian and repressive policies that are
thickening in jobs, territories and society as a whole.

In
recent months (at
the time of the Conte 1 government
)
we pointed out that the measures contained in the various “security
packages” were not only an expression of the particular
anti-migrant hatred of the “fascist Salvini” but
represented an attack on the whole range of forms of social and trade
union conflict. This “reading” was not maliciously shared
by those on our “left” who were oriented to hinder (not
even too much!
)
only the parts of these laws concerning the criminalization of
immigrants!

In
fact, these measures that the Conte 2 government avoids, in the
normative substance, to question have been the progressive and always
more wise synthesis of the various decrees and measures that over the
years (with
or without the presence of the “fascist Salvini”
)
have been elaborated and launched to build that cage of
criminalization of the conflict and of worsening of the penalties
which, in fact, determine in our country that “authoritarian
democracy” of which the first antisocial effects are beginning
to be felt.

Certainly
not that until now Italy (it is enough to know a little bit about the
history of the Belpaese)
was shining to guarantee or legal civilization. Far be it from us to
credit the image of a country that has never existed except in the
dreams of the exegetes of the “democratic state of the whole
people” who have always been denied by the material course of
events and by the unspeakable misdeeds committed – yesterday as today
– in the name of “democracy”.

How
to evaluate, otherwise, the heavy economic sanctions against the
workers of Prato in struggle for the defence of the work place or the
constant recourse to articles of the Criminal Code which provide for
very heavy penalties even in the absence of events which, even
remotely, could configure the use of similar codicils (such
as the trial underway in Naples against 9 young comrades accused of
“devastation and pillage” for a procession protesting
against a Salvini kermesse in the Neapolitan city
).

Or,
again, the suffocating climate of intimidation and persecution that
we register at the gates of a factory for leafleting or the thousands
of obstacles that are found to organize a procession or a simple
garrison.

We
must take note that these daily phenomena of “ordinary
repression” (to
remain in the political chronicle of the squares and leaving aside,
just for convenience of exposure, the unstoppable armor that takes
place on the ground of the functioning of the institutions of
representation, union relations and, more generally, the exercise of
“real democracy”
)
are a boulder, sometimes insurmountable, which, together with other
social and political factors, which relate to the general “relations
of force between the classes” prevent a possible resumption, on
a larger scale, of the conflict and organized struggle in our
country.

The
“Nicoletta Dosio case” is all internal to this gigantic
anti-proletarian device on which it is time to seriously question
ourselves – with a less impressionistic modality which, often,
characterizes the practice of social organizations and movements of
struggle – to build those necessary political and, above all,
organizational conditions able to begin to put a decisive Stop to the
Repression.

The
full freedom of struggle and organization, the systematic opposition
to any attempt to limit the same freedoms still formally sanctioned
in the Constitution and an indispensable battle, also on the cultural
side, to break the paralyzing authoritarian cage which inhibits and
affects the development of the conflict can find – in our opinion – a
unitary terrain of protagonism and mobilization in the claim of the
total cancellation of the “Laws/Decrees of Security”.

An
objective which, as we have found in these months, immediately enters
into a collision course, not only with the government, but with the
complex of strong powers – even those more directly ascribable to the
European Union – which are disposed to make waste paper of law,
regulations and “constitutional principles” in order to
prevent the general resumption of the class struggle.